This essay posits that theological reflection on a particular practice of remembering suffering — namely, the memory of the El Mozote massacre in El Salvador — reveals that hope in the memory of suffering is an integral component of Christian formation. Through the window she saw soldiers leading groups of men from the little whitewashed church — blindfolded men whose hands were bound behind them. A World to Win Issue The guerrillas immediately sent reports of the killing to their commanders; but there was a problem. The telegram to Hinton, sent under the name of the Reverend Eugene Stockwell, Wipfler’s boss, has been dated December 15th, only four days after the massacre, but there is a possibility that it was actually sent a few days later. Bonner and I had gone to Quantico together, went to Vietnam together.

Around seven, they heard the sound of a helicopter approaching. Against the urban infrastructure of the left — the network of political organizers, labor leaders, human-rights workers, teachers, and activists of all progressive stripes which had put together the enormous demonstrations of the late seventies — this technique proved devastating. The soldiers, unlike the evening before, said little. So the idea was to surround them all, to create this ‘hammer and anvil’ thing, push all the people down to Villa El Rosario, where a huge artillery barrage would be unleashed. It was Greentree who embodied the United States government in the closest contact it would make to the massacre at El Mozote, and yet it was Greentree who provided the reporting that would enable the government to deny that the massacre had happened. In a later comment, he stated emphatically, “At no time during my tour in El Salvador was a report that I had anything to do with ever distorted by the Embassy. Then came the civilian followers, loaded down with their bundles of clothing and sacks of tortillas and coffee, and nervously hushing their children.

Some soldiers hesitated about killing children. And this was especially important because ek journalists reporting in El Salvador were thought to be biased. Toni was dying; the bullets kept coming; there could be no question of retrieving the transmitter.


Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, their beloved commander. The Commission issued its report in March Either we both go or we both stay.

The Massacre of El Mozote: 36 Years of Struggles for Truth and Justice – Center for Human Rights

Despite domestic and international denunciation of the massacre, perpetrators of the massacre have avoided accountability for decades. Washington was behind them and they knew it: Rufina found herself in one of the last groups. Many of the women bent over smooth flat stones, grinding corn, making the meal that would serve as the company’s fuel during the days ahead — for, confronted with the arrival of thousands of troops, the guerrillas of the E.

Many townspeople also likely reasoned that their odds would be better staying in a town without guerrillas than to be caught somewhere else with them, which would almost certainly result in death.

el mozote case study

The other women began begging and resisting the soldiers. McKay, of course, had reviewed the State Department cable before it was sent, but he was not its author; Greentree was.

The “sickly sweet smell of decomposing bodies” pressed the air. Prices are subject to change without notice. La Gaucamaya also happened to be home omzote Radio Venceremos, an underground radio station that casee in spreading guerrilla propaganda, reporting on guerrilla and social-movement organizing, and merciless mockery of the government. Volume 18 Issue 2 Decpp. Army’s School of the Americas[5] arrived at the remote village of El Mozote after a clash with guerrillas in the vicinity.

Now all sides prepared for the debate over certification, which would provide concerned congressmen, church leaders, heads of human-rights groups, and others with a new opportunity to document the abuses committed by the Salvadoran government in vase the war.

Then, they turned to the children.

El Mozote massacre

There is no evidence to confirm that government forces systematically massacred civilians in the operations zone, or that the number of civilians remotely approached the seven hundred and thirty-three or nine hundred and twenty-six victims cited in the press. It ran on Page 1. The perpetrators of the killing have never faced justice. Nonetheless, the Guardsmen hustled him along the streets with them, and as they moved through town they pounded on other doors and collected other frightened men.


Kozote you imagine anything more corrosive of the entire military effort? The major, without hesitation, walked over, scooped a little boy from a crowd of kids, flung him into the air, and speared him with a bayonet as he came back down. They were already sensitive about the civilian with me. The Massacre of El Mozote: Yet it is hard not to suspect that Greentree’s strong belief that the cable contained more “ambiguity” than in fact it did reflects a lingering unease with the final product — a conflict that persists, even after twelve years, between what csse wrote and what he felt he should have written.

The Salvadorans, it seems clear, are giving the American a conspiratorial wink; but the American doesn’t seem to get it, and he ventures to ask Monterrosa if any prisoners had been taken.

Normally, of course, such prestige, such respect from his colleagues, would brand him presidenciable.

el mozote case study

The reporters, and Bonner in particular, had to be punished for exposing what they had seen in El Mozote. At its heart is a bizarre park, which accommodates many wildly slanting levels of green grass, like lopsided terraces on a cultivated but dilapidated hillside. Destler, a professor at the University of Maryland, and two distinguished former foreign service officers, George S. The two men stood there for four or five minutes while the major briefed the younger man on the sort of information they wanted to get out of the prisoners.

Activists on the moderate left, having been denied an electoral path to the Presidential Palace by the Army’s habitual ballot tampering, joined populist forces in organizing vast demonstrations, and managed to bring hundreds of thousands of people into the streets.

It was their aggressiveness, their willingness to “do the job”: